Mr. Ige Ramos - Book Design for Food: From Plate to Print

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1. Design for Food: From Plate to Print D I N E C E B U IGE RAMOS Book Designer ã Food Writer ã Visual Artist 2. ANVIL THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL’S KITCHEN Philippine…
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  • 1. Design for Food: From Plate to Print D I N E C E B U IGE RAMOS Book Designer • Food Writer • Visual Artist
  • 2. ANVIL THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL’S KITCHEN Philippine Culinary Vignettes and Period Recipes 1521-1935 Felice Prudente-Sta. Maria THEGOVERNOR-GENERAL’SKITCHEN PhilippineCulinaryVignettesandPeriodRecipes1521-1935FelicePrudente-Sta.Maria The Governor-General’s Kitchen: Philippine Culinary Vignettes and Period Recipes, 1521-1935 Felice Prudente Sta. Maria Anvil Publishing, 2006 National Book Award for Culinary History Natonal Book Award for Best Design, 2006 Gourmand World Book Award 2007
  • 3. 4 George Barbier Nik Ricio
  • 4. 5 fast at six or seven, lunch at noon, afternoon break around four (when government offices closed), dinner between six and seven adjusting officially to a different schedule summertime. The Protes- tant Work Ethic was preached in schools along with the rhyme, “Early to bed and early to rise makes Juan healthy, wealthy and wise”; yet stub- born clans clung to Iberian manners. Contemporary Filipinos use an international mélange of designations for mealtime. The day begins with what is commonly called , or break- fast; this is followed by a coffee break in offices or a snack at schools; , or lunch occurs midday, mid-afternoon; the evening repast is , dinner (the word no longer being used to mean noon meal) or supper. the rice reQuirement Sea-faring Malayan adventurers trickled into Philippine waters continuously over centuries forcing earlier nomadic Negrito settlers upland. New coastline settlements introduced ingredients to the pre-Spanish diet: rice, sugarcane, coconut, banana, bam- boo, taro, jackfruit, tamarind, , lime, , bottle and sponge gourd, , bittermel- on, lemongrass, garlic and breadfruit. They provided chili-dipping sauces, turmeric-colored coconut milk stews, vinegar, palm wine and sugary sweets—the food of Lapu-Lapu and other chiefs encountered by the Magellanic circumnavigation of 1521. Sustenance at the time of the Conquest was simple, consisting generally of boiled rice, some- times flavored with fish or vegetables and capped by the daily sweetmeat, sugarcane. Moistening rice with a sauce or honey was referred to as . The habit of eating a fruit or sweet on the side, origi- nally to counter unpleasant flavor, was termed . A vegetarian meal lacking rice and fish was referred to as ; to eat rice with broth, or ; and to eat with- out rice, (in Ilocano) and (inMaranaw). An all-rice repast was referred to as Hong Kong governor, Sir John Bowring, in his 1859 book, , characterized the commoner’s meal: Rice is the ordinary food of the Indians…. The capsicum, or chile, is used for a condiment. They eat three meals a day out of a large dish, helping themselves with their fingers, and sometimes using a plantain for a plate.They also have sauces round the central dish, into which they dip the [cooked rice]. They introduce the thumb first into the mouth and very dexterously employ the fingers to push for- ward the food. In the Philippines, as in many parts of main- land Asia, the word for “to eat” ( in Tagalog; in Hiligaynon and Cebuano) is very similar to the word for cooked rice ( in Tagalog; in Hiligaynon and Cebuano). In China one does not ask “Have you eaten?” but “Have you had rice?” “” the for- mer query in Tagalog, is indeed similar to “” the latter. Pilipino researchers at the Bureau of Na- Planting rice .... (Collection of the author) tinim dolor adio el dolore core facing el ing etuer iril nonsed modipis dolut- pat, quatueriusto dipis nos ea feu feugue miniametum dolobor alit adip. tional Language interviewed in 1984 say there is no linguistic connection between the two Tagalog words. The popular imperative, “” (Eat that), they say, is purely a wrong conjugation of the verb , and should instead be “”. However, Agustinian priest, Andres Carro, discovered the trend when he prepared his Ilo- kano-Spanish dictionary in 1888: , “to eat”, is also translated as “rice”. Jose Villa Panganiban’s dictionary-thesaurus, begun in 1935 and released in 1972, likewise defines as, first, the staple, and secondly, the verb. While Spanish and English words for mealtime substituted or augmented na- tive nomenclature, never replaced native verbs for “to eat”. the Silent conQueSt King Felipe II was reputedly concerned with spreading the Word to Asian Moslemland; he never endeavored a serious culinary conquest. Yet Spain’s profound effect on Island cuisine is an ir- reversible enrichment. If Spain made no concerted effort to evoke a kitchen crusade, Filipinos per- haps sought it out, adapting the strange tastes to suit their preferences. Indo-Malayan savors wed European flavors. Filipinos were ripe for a gusta- tory blossoming. During Spain’s stay of almost four centuries, there were barely enough foreigners to work a culinary campaign. Ever since the sixteenth cen- tury, Island climate was adjudged fatal to His- panic metabolism. Over twenty years, noted one critic, 15,000 Spaniards arrived in the Philippines; 14,000 of them died and the remainder were of questionable health, humor and sanity! Spaniards remained generally less than one percent of the Archipelago’s entire population. Although Spanish women were encouraged to join their husbands in the New Colony, there was a dearth of them. Poor Spanish soldiers married common Filipinas. Yet, half-breeds were few. In 1903, there were only 15,419 Filipinos with any Oriental or Occidental blood-ties—about 0.2 per- cent of the entire national sum! How did barely a percent of the population manage to change cook- ing as it did? Especially during Spain’s incum- bency when public education was limited, read- ing matter scarce, inter-island transport compara- tively restricted, and significant official banquets isolated from the masses. Many Spanish and upper-class homes em- ployed native help—but that meant male domes- tics, since women were encouraged to stay close to home. Servants were the premiere natives to taste and cook the fare of Spain’s ships, religious orders and army officers. If we are to believe Jose Rizal’s unfinished historical novel on Tagalog no- bility, those who first served the friars were child royalty. Their tutelage was propagandized as a privilege, although, in some ways, it was a hos- tageship (like America’s system in the restless early 1900s), and certainly part of a concerted ef- fort to humble the princes. When servants returned home, they not only showed off their new wardrobe and fractured Spanish but, most likely, their culinary surprises. Those who could produce foreign fare and His- panized native dishes were adjudged eventually as good cooks—just like Andalucian chefs who Servant girl. Utat. Reet etuer amet, quamet lorper susci tem vul- lummy nisl exerat.Ed tinim dolor adio el dolore core facing el ing etuer iril utat. Iduis nonsed modipis dolutpat, quatueriusto dipis nos ea feu feugue miniametum dolobor alit adip. The Governor-General’s Kitchen 26 27 There is No Hunger in Paradise ooking, according to Bicol legend, was a gift from Dinahon, a pygmy whose name means “wrapped in leaves”. Throughout the country, cooking is a skill that was mythologically awarded by gracious gods simultaneously with their gift of rice culture. The earliest cooking unit is the open fire. Among Tasaday food gather- ers the term fadaga, “to cook”, is derived from the Manuvu word fadaigan, to burn. Bicolano, Hiligaynon, Ilocano, Cebuano, Tagalog and Waray share a common word for open fire: dapog. The most primitive cooking mode is to drop a raw object into the flames. Even- tually it is realized that flavors and textures are dependent on the distance ingredients stay from the fire, and on how long they are subjected to heat. Another method is to dig a pit in the ground for a fire and to cook under, in, or above smoldering embers. Even today, rural cooks in remote areas build their cooking fire amidst a three-stone cir- cle. This trivet is called lila or tungko in Tagalog, taluhong in Bicolano, sig-ang in Hiligaynon, kalseng in Pangasinan, bawangen in Maranaw, sug-ang in Cebuano and Waray, as well as tung- ku in Kapampangan (which it also is in Bahasa and Malaysian). The tungko is the first Philippine stove. Dinahon’s gift is not simply a talent but a technology. Among the Neolithic inventions ac- credited to this culture hero of the Handiong epic are the kalan stove, tapayan water container, koron jar and paso cooking pot or bowl. Dinahon’s kitchen simultaneously required pottery skills. Not only would his recipients (who lived from 6,000 to 500 B.C. in the Philippines) have practiced swidden agriculture, they additionally cultivated taro and banana, and they domesticated animals as hunting helpers and protein-filler. It is impossible to determine when Islanders began to value food and its preparation for their spiritual connection; but as with Greek vestal fires, smoke was essential to an early indio’s com- munion with both the good and the malevolent supernatural. Taosog require that visitors to a newborn first tarry near a fire so the smoke will exorcise them; yet a witchdoctor would hang a victim’s clothes in a pot above cooking fires inorder to suffocate the enemy. When preparing rit- ual viands, smoke is considered a medium by which offerings transcend to the other dimension. cooking cornerS Although pre-Hispanic homes had their cooking fire and cooking area, the concept of a room chaPTer 2 Heavenly Hearths were so complimented by Spaniards into the nine- teenth century. (Actually, Andalucians absorbed refined Moorish cooking, baking, as well as sweet- making tastes and techniques, then incorporated them into Iberian cuisine.) Spain not only introduced Spanish cooking to the Asian zone but New World food plants—, ar- rowroot, , avocado, bilimbi, cacao, , cashew, cas- sava, chayote, , coffee, corn, guava, lima bean, on- ion, papaya, peanut, varieties of chili or capsicum, pineapple, potato, squash, tomato and zapote, to name but a few. What could not be grown was im- ported—olive oil, olives, butter, Edam and Cam- embert cheese, grape wines, wheat flour and, for a time, refined sugar. As an increasing number of Filipinos sought economic mobility and education in Belgium, England, France, Italy or Spain, Spanish culture, complete in its somewhat Frenchified nineteenth century version, became the standard for social success until the climax of America’s regime. The Governor-General’s Kitchen 28 29 strictly for food preparation—a kitchen—has sur- vived among Filipinos through the Spanish word cucina. (In Bahasa, kitchen is dapur, a natural evo- lution from the southeast Asian word for “open fire” and the root of Tagalog’s dapog.) The native synonym for “cooking space”, re- corded in the 1835 Tagalog vocabulary prepared by Franciscan priest, Domingo de los Santos, is pag- sasaingan (the spot where rice is cooked). But by 1860, kusina, kusinaan and pangusinaan were the common Tagalog designations for kitchen. (Kusi- na derives from the Spanish, which in turn stems from the Latin coquere, “cook”.) Manila resident Federico Casademunt pro- vides a rare description of an upper class intra- mural cucina. In 1875, Revista Filipina serialized Casademunt’s Filipinos y Filipones, a touching satire starring Agapito “Pitoy” Makapingan. True to his surname—which means “having an affinity with plates,” if not an attraction to them—and the stereotype of native domestics, Pitoy broke fifteen plates, two soup tureens, five glasses and cups in less than six hours on his first job. In addition, he dulled and twisted four knives and six forks! Not to mention his breaking a belljar when he decided to play with the ivory “doll” it encased, not realizing it was an image of baby Jesus worthy of respect. Even Jose Rizal characterized native househelp as tableware’s Enemy Number One. Yokel Pitoy promptly learned that being civi- lizado entailed gently handling the trappings of Karuth (detail) refinement. Fresh from Bulacan at the age of thir- teen, he spent most of his time in Father Toribio’s kitchen in exchange for a chance to learn enough Spanish to get through school. “A Manila kitchen at four in the afternoon,” Pitoy relates, “is a wasteland: the kalans are dull and overcome by ash; clay pots and metal carajay lay cast on the floor with the rest that contributed to the cooking just a few hours earlier; dogs, cats and rats devour the crumbs and in this way aid with the cleaning while cooks and scullions nap. All is desolation. At most one finds a raw piece of meat or a dead fish thrown on the table hoping to be used quickly in the evening stew—that is if a cat or dog does not gulp it down ahead even with- out condiments.” It was no wonder that cockroaches confound- ed nineteenth century cooks: servants made pock- et money clandestinely by selling bones and ash which they piled in kitchen corners till a Chinese buyer came a-calling by. The bones became lime for betelnut chewers; ash was recycled for soap, a Chinese-controlled commodity at the time. Intramural kitchens were then dirty, dark and poorly ventilated. Not all homes, according to Casademunt, had funnels to direct smoke into chimneys thereby causing soot to color entire in- teriors an excellent, permanent black. Peninsular kitchens maintained by the capable women of Castile, Extremedura, Vizcaya, Aragon, Andalucia and Catalunya were renown for their cleanliness; but Manila’s Spanish kitchens developed differ- ently because they were men’s territory, and not even the Spanish machismos’ but the servants’. Lucky were those with a madre de familia to as- sure a semblance of the neat, cozy prototype. Kitchens became the rendezvous for native proletarians everywhere. Augustinians assigned to provinces complained that parishioners lin- gered and frolicked in the convent cucina where they made it a point not only to break the cura’s crockery, but sample his food. Pitoy enumerates articles from the dispensa and aparador platero that commonly appealed to young helpers: cara- melo, ladyfingers, tortas, ensaimadas—anything fit for the dulcera—as well as moscatel, Pedro Jimenez, cigars and cigarettes. Although Spanish food became the gauge of good cooking and urban sophistication, the city kitchen was constructed with much of the native provincial in mind. a functional formula Temperate climates require a central hearth to provide comfort from autumn, winter and spring In this picture from 1858 by Carl Johann Karuth, depicts a couple enjoying their meal at a low table or dulang.Western level tables and chairs were not yet widespread throughout the Philippines. (Collection: Filipinas Heritage Library) chill, as well as to offer an accessible cooking area whatever the weather. Equatorial heat and humidity, by contrast, do not warrant the central stove except in mountain areas prone to cold. Pre-Hispanic meals were prepared at a cook- ing corner furnished with a stove just big enough to prepare a pot of rice; not all viands and fla- vorings required heating to become edible. The inflammable and smoky situation prompted con- struction of a separate building for the hearth. Different regional environments tailored suitable kitchen annexes. Ceremonial cooking, which occurred on a comparatively grand scale (at a community or tribal rather than family level) usually happened between the time a crop was harvested and a new field planted—in other words during fair or dry weather. Most merry-making was done open-air, except in cases where rites required an altar or throne inside royal residences or public struc- tures. Preparations could be handled outdoors in provisional cooking areas shielded from sun and draft by makeshift grass lean-tos and folding screens. The tungko and kalan were portable and came in sizes small to extra-large allowing an ef- ficient selection for each party. But Iberian traditions had long adapted to various reasons for cooking, dining and socializ- ing indoors. Filipinos learned to adopt Continen- tal “indoorness” which meant accommodating even ceremonial and large scale cooking. Because the Spanish entertainment and festival calendar was planned according to temperate wheat har- vest seasons, colonial celebrations sometimes occurred during tropical rainy months—forcing preparation indoors or under a makeshift roof. Spanish colonial architecture introduced a stone ground floor, which not only promul- gated permanence but allowed for furnishings more weighty than what a native house on bam- boo or wooden stilts could warrant. The seven- teenth-century intramural house with living area floored in hard wood retained, however, a bit of indigenous ancestry: it was connected to a bam- boo-floored kitchen by a bamboo bridge resem- bling the batalan. Eventually the batalan was enclosed, until it disappeared altogether. Over time urban and hacienda kitchens took on a solid stone foundation with a tile or wooden floor. In some structures the new kitchen was a roofed section of the azotea, a solid stone terrace safely away from bedrooms and where the princi- pal water source was placed. In other floor plans the kitchen became a wood or tile-floored, fully- KITCHEN CHARMS Filipinos cling to traditions that promise to fend off hunger.At Christian house blessings, new occupants always have a sack of rice, salt, and as much food as possible.The pattern of what to bring when moving was set in pre-Christian days. The Yakan of Basilan, although Islamized, still hang parapaglelinan charms in the center of a new house on the day of a house blessing: a rice-filled bamboo tube, representing a constant supply of the staple and an abundance of food; a bamboo tube of oil, for a life that runs smoothly; a bamboo tube of kerosene,for light;a small bottle of water blessed by the imam priest, representing life and an abundance of water in the home;a dried katambak fish,because its name means “the piling up of things”; a sulig dried fish, symbolizing growth. In addition, a fire is kept burning in the new kitchen for the first three consecutive days. No one in the family is allowed to give anything away nor ask anything of anyone, although gifts are welcome. All members of the household are expected to remain in the abode and visitors are not allowed to stay for long or sleep overnight. Newlyweds are still showered with rice grains after Christian nuptials in hope of fertility and plenty. Similarly,ethnic minority communities include a plate of rice set before the couple at a marriage feast for the same reason.In one Mindanao settlement,an egg is believed to insure kindness and goodness, a glass of water for cleanliness and health, and salt for a mild temperament;having these near the newlyweds insures their presence in the kitchen, say old folk. Filipinos, regardless of religion, are united in their wish for a happy, well-supplied home. The Governor-General’s Kitchen 30 31 Heavenly Hearths for smoking fish and meat; closer to the roof was a place to dry firewood. The wooden royal torogan, a common facility shared by different families occupying the Maranaw datu’s residence,likewise maintained a separate room at the end of its long rectangular kitchen floor plan. Each family had its own private room where members ate, slept, received guests and wove fabric.Slaves resided near the kitchen or on ground level beneath the palace. Yakan kitchen Another Mindanao settler group, the Yakan of Basilan, have similar architecture with the main house connected to a smaller structure (which serves as a kitchen) via a bamboo pantan bridge. The kitchen has two doors—one opening up to the bridge, the other to the street with the help of a ladder. Like the main house, the kitchen has a window and a thatch roof. Both stilt- supported buildings and their principal doorways must face sunrise for its promise of life and things to come. central luzon manor kitchenS Bulacan kitchen Tagalogs keep a woven bamboo or rattan tray s
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